Thursday, November 28, 2013

MCA as seen in the crystal ball

PETALING JAYA: With less than three weeks to nomination day on Dec 16, the MCA hopefuls in the presidential race are preparing for their last sprint to the finish line scheduled next month on the 21st, a few days just before year end Christmas celebrations.

The latest campaign sees former president Ong Tee Keat announcing his intention to re-contest the top party post. He is the second candidate to do so after deputy president Liow Tiong Lai announcing his intention to contest the president’s seat.

Now even the vice president Gan Peng Sieu, seen as the proxy of Dr Chua Soi Lek, declared this week to join the presidential race while MCA’s Youth chief Wee Ka Siong announced his candidacy for the deputy president’s position on Wednesday.
Former MCA research department head, Stanley Koh, shares some insights and feedback with FMT on the coming MCA elections.
FMT: What is the significance of MCA’s election to the party and particularly to its coalition in the Barisan Nasional?
Koh: I believe this could be the last MCA election by central delegates before the new leadership work out the direct elections which was tossed up during Ong Tee Keat’s tenure as the eight president. Umno had recently implemented this and MCA is likely to follow suit. Having said this, the significance of this election is a window opportunity for the party to elect the right leaders, put its own house in order before the herculean task in regaining public support.
MCA delegates should remember that the leaders they intend to elect are public trustees and the party election is not just an internal revamping; which “outsiders” (public domain) should stay away. Whoever they elect will inevitably affect the outcome of the party’s future performance at the next general election. Electing the wrong leaders at the top is still haunting the party.
Party unity and strengthening the organisation from within are basic objectives of the leaders, especially among the hopefuls. Of course, it is easier said than done.
Because it is noticeable that the public’s attention has shifted to the recent elections of the Opposition parties particularly the DAP and PAS; and less focused towards BN’s component parties including Umno.
I am afraid the majority are less keen on MCA’s election though it is a favourite subject in coffee shops and chit-chats especially among the older Chinese generation.
Of course, Umno is keen that MCA bounces back and start working to regain a foothold within the Chinese community to deliver its votes. Without MCA, Gerakan and MIC, it (Umno) is a lonely body akin to having no arms and legs.
FMT: What is the perception of the Chinese community towards MCA wanting a change in leadership? What does the Chinese community want?
Koh: The GE13 results have delivered a very strong message to MCA. Putting old wine in new bottles will not do. Changing faces but holding on to the old mind-set without changing moral values in the party is also unacceptable. The relevance of the party among the population has shrunk and the number of parliament and state seats lost to the Opposition is glaringly pathetic.
Nevertheless, hardcore and loyal supporters, a small segment of Chinese businessmen (SMEs), associations, guilds and clans and even perhaps those in the Chinese education may still want a voice from the party to serve their specific interests.
But the aspirations and expectations of the larger population of the Chinese community and the younger generation of electorate on critical issues cannot be delivered by MCA because the party is under the thumb of its political master, Umno.
MCA has failed to address issues concerning human rights, crimes, corruption, social justice, good governance, transparency, right to information, press freedom, rising costs of living and many more.
Seen as constantly toeing BN’s voice, particularly in Parliament, the party’s hypocrisy is seen as speaking a different tongue outside the August House.
MCA MPs will still vote on bad laws and policies in support of Umno’s specific political agenda. Can or will MCA’s new leadership make a difference in the future? Or will the newly elected party leadership continue to sweep critical issues under the carpet or keep playing the role as “yes” men to Umno?
As long as Umno and BN fail to deliver, the party is expected to be the whipping boy. And the Chinese community should not be blamed for abandoning MCA because the party chose to remain within the reins and thumb of Umno’s supremacy. It is still a “catch-22” scenario no matter how many times the party changes its line-up. Of course, we have also heard some MCA leaders singing a different tune, telling Umno leadership that the party must be given a voice to air criticisms and different opinions. But the Chinese community no longer buys this argument and excuse.
The paradigm of the Malaysian political landscape and general consciousness of the electorate have changed and transformed but sadly not the MCA.
FMT: There is this rhetoric or tag of a “new” MCA leadership. What are the best alternatives for MCA in winning back electorate support?
Koh: There is no new face among the candidates. We can only see old faces in new leadership roles or positions in this coming party election. If we look at the candidates vying for the presidency post its Liow Tiong Lai, Ong Tee Keat, or maybe Donald Lim Siang Chai; all who had worked their way up, with the exception of Gan Peng Sieu, a relatively new comer compared with the others.
The emerging new or young leaders are likely to be from the party youth, Wanita and Beliawanis wings. Some party insiders feel that the party line up should comprise a mixture of young and old or experienced leaders. But the problem with MCA is that experienced leaders, following so many leadership crises, had either been marginalised or dumped completely. It had always been a win-win situation for the victors while losers are tagged with an expiry date.
In the short run, personally I am not optimistic the party can adopt the best alternatives to regain public support within a short span of time. I might be wrong. We have to assess the overall picture including that of Pakatan’s performance and deliverance of promises to the rakyat.
MCA is only a small component in the political landscape which many have written off its relevance in tackling critical issues. The major policy making on many critical issues affecting Malaysians, particularly those bread and butter issues, is beyond the party’s control.
If we look at the responses from these leaders under Chua Soi Lek towards the Bersih rallies, the controversies, alleged scandals just before GE13, showed the party had lost the pulse of the electorate at large. Even its own party leaders’ involvement in controversies are largely ignored. I know a few but I am not prepared to specify them at this stage.
FMT: Do you expect the candidates to declare their manifestos or plan to revive the credibility and integrity of the party?
Koh: In the last few decades the party had a couple of elections including an EGM to oust Ong Tee Keat in 2010, where his presidential tenure only lasted 17 months. His manifesto was left unfulfilled. Chua Soi Lek promised many things he tagged as “real” in his previous manifesto but the party was really thrashed at the GE13. That was the only real nightmare MCA delivered.
Yes. Blueprints, manifestos and pledges are expected to be forthcoming from the contenders. The litmus test for the future president will be in delivering these promises which will be scrutinised closely with passage of time.
The new leadership is also likely to review the party constitution to trim further the power abuses of the president in regards to managing and disposing party assets.
The party’s credibility and integrity is earned not by constantly barking at the Opposition but ensuring its own backyard is clean and proper.
FMT: You have written of a 4-cornered fight for the presidency post. You want to elaborate on their chances?
Koh: Should I use the mantra, “endless possibilities”? Liow Tiong Lai and Ong Tee Keat had openly indicated and confirmed their intentions to contest for the presidency post but at the time of this interview, Gan Peng Sieu has also announced his candidacy, and of course, a possibility from Donald Lim. Donald had said he would not contest the top post if Chua Soi Lek does so. It is from these guesstimates that will shape a four-cornered contest.
With Gan’s declaration of his intention, it is a clear message that Chua will not defend his presidency post.
Both Liow Tiong Lai and Ong Tee Keat started their respective political careers way back in the mid-1980s (1986) working their way up. The same goes to Donald Lim. In terms of experience, all three are veterans. The delegates are likely to look beyond their years of standing and experience in the party.
I am neither in a position nor knowledgeable to rate their chances. What I think (of their chances) is irrelevant as some 2,385 delegates will collectively decide and vote. Perhaps, the delegates with some 700 considered by party insiders as unorthodox or of younger age, will be the king makers.
I am sure the candidates will rate their own number of votes in pocket as the election approaches.

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